Delimitation Bill 2026 Seat Simulator

This page is a seat calculator: it shares the House between the states, redraws each state's seats on the assembly map and counts the 2024 votes on them. Delimitation draws constituency lines so that seats hold about the same number of people, and sets how many seats each state has. A Delimitation Commission does it under a law Parliament passes. State seat counts have kept their 1971 shares since 1976.

On 17 April 2026 the Lok Sabha voted down the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 298 to 230, with 352 needed. It would have capped the House at 815 seats from states and 35 from Union territories, and carried no table of seats per state: the “+50% for every state” figure was the government's offer in Parliament, not Bill text. No Commission exists. Census 2027 has the reference date 1 March 2027 in most of India.

• Today (543). The seats as they are.
• The 2026 Bill (+50%, 815). Every state's and territory's seats times 1.5. Where that leaves a half, the halves are settled by largest remainder, within the states and within the Union territories separately: 786 seats for states and 29 for Union territories, inside the Bill's caps.
• 543 by population, the law as it stands. When Census 2027 is published the constitutional freeze on seats ends and seats are shared by population. Here the present 543 seats are shared by the Registrar General's projection for 1 March 2026, by largest remainder, with at least one seat each. States under six million people and all Union territories keep today's seats, as Article 81 allows.
• No state loses (767). Not a government proposal: the smallest House shared by population in which no state has fewer seats than today. One seat fewer and Kerala would fall below today's. Carnegie Endowment (2019, 2026) and IIPS (Patel and Sekher, 2024) use the same idea.
• Chamber full (888). The size of the new Lok Sabha chamber, shared by population in the same way.

The House-size dial does the same for any size from 543 to 950.

Inside a state, today's assembly seats are grouped into new Lok Sabha seats, in a simplified version of the method used in 2002–08. Each district is first given a share of the state's seats (a district whose share is far from a whole number is paired with a neighbour). Seats are then grown over neighbouring assembly seats, preferring the same district, until each holds about the same number of electors, and a last pass trades boundary seats between neighbours. The lines are a simulation, not a proposal.

The Commission aimed to keep every seat within ±10% of the state's average. The band is a target, not a promise: about a quarter of the redrawn seats (771 of 2,987 across the four redrawn scenarios counted together, in the 31 states that have an assembly map) end up more than 10 percent from the target and 24 more than 50 percent; the page shows each seat's real figure. Cities are drawn coarsely, because one assembly seat can be bigger than a whole new city seat. Not every new seat is one connected piece.

Each state keeps today's number of SC and ST seats, scaled to its new seat count by largest remainder. Which new seats are reserved is a proxy, not the Commission's rule (it would use census shares): seats are ranked by the share of their electors who live in today's SC-reserved (then ST-reserved) assembly seats, and a seat next to one already chosen is skipped where a choice exists. The Bill's minimum ST seats for five north-eastern states are not modelled.

The 106th Amendment will reserve “as nearly as may be” one third of seats for women once a delimitation is done, rotated between constituencies. Parliament has not written the rule for the rotation, so nobody knows which seats. The page therefore draws a third of a state's seats, rounded up, at random. It is a seeded uniform draw: every seat is equally likely, there is no spread rule across regions and no weighting, and seats reserved for SC or ST take part like any other. The seed travels in the link, so the same link shows the same set for the same state, scenario and seat count. The whole-of-India map draws a third of the seats it shows, under the same seed, as a separate random draw from the state's, so the two need not agree.

“If the 2024 votes were counted on these seats” adds up, for each new seat, the votes cast in the assembly seats it is made of, from the Election Commission's assembly-segment results as republished by OpenCity. The party with the most votes takes the seat, and the seat counts for that party's bloc: the bloc the Lok Sabha results table gives its winners that year (NDA and INDIA in 2024, NDA and UPA in 2019). A party that won no seat that year, and every independent, is counted as others, even where it was an ally. Independents in a seat are pooled as one group. Allied parties' votes are not added together: where allies stood in different parts of a new seat their votes are split between them, so an alliance's total here can differ from a count that pooled its allies' votes. Only EVM votes are counted: postal ballots are counted for the whole old seat, not by assembly seat, so they are not included.

Surat was unopposed in 2024, so no votes were cast there and a new seat made only of its assembly seats takes the declared candidate's bloc. Assam and Jammu & Kashmir were polled in 2019 on assembly seats since redrawn, so their 2019 figures are estimated: each old seat's votes are spread over today's seats by map overlap, and every party's total is kept, though any single seat is rough. Andaman & Nicobar, Chandigarh, Dadra & Nagar Haveli and Daman & Diu, Ladakh, and Lakshadweep have no assembly-seat map and are counted at their real seats, so under the Bill the three groups add up to 813 of the Bill's 815 seats.

Seats per state: the Registrar General's projection for 1 March 2026. District lines: Census 2011. Electors: each state's latest assembly roll, and the 2024 roll for the territories without an assembly map. Votes: the 2024 and 2019 Lok Sabha results.